Read this defining moment from Indira Gandhi and the Years that Transformed India!
THE END OF CONGRESS RAJ
Prime Minister Shastri’s unforeseen death in January 1966 touched off a tussle for power within the ruling party. While Indira Gandhi was certainly quick off the blocks in declaring her interest, she could not previously have contemplated this as a serious possibility. Yet, as a member of Shastri’s cabinet, she had pondered the state of the country and the Congress party as well as her own role in politics. Writing to an old friend, P.N. Haksar, two months earlier, she had struck a deeply pessimistic note: “The state of affairs is quite extraordinary here . . . As I see it, we are at the beginning of a new dark age. The food situation is precarious, industries are closing. There is no direction, no policy on any matter.” Not only was the country’s development juddering to a halt, but the response was to dilute its autonomy. “Brave words notwithstanding,” she wrote, “there is anxiety to go to America, who will I have no doubt give PL 480 food aid and everything at a price. The manner of execution will be so deft and subtle that no one will realize it until it is too late and India’s freedom of thought and action will both have been bartered away.” Meanwhile, the Congress party was “dormant and inactive.” Her personal predicament seemed equally stark: “When I am depressed, which is often, I feel I must quit. At other times, that I must fight it out.” Indira Gandhi regarded herself as the custodian of her father’s legacy. Yet, as the Nehruvian project of planned economic development and nonaligned foreign policy ran out of steam, this legacy could well be turned against her: “As a child I wanted to be like Joan of Arc – I may yet be burnt at the stake.”

Indira Gandhi was prone to mythologizing her past, but she was no diffident dreamer. She knew that her ascent to the highest office could only be piloted by the powerful president of the Congress party, K. Kamaraj. Of humble origins in a poor family of the discriminated Nadar caste in southern Tamil Nadu, Kamaraj had had little formal education but formidable political experience. Starting out in anticolonial politics and a Congress party dominated by the upper castes, he had served as chief minister of Tamil Nadu for nearly a decade. In 1963, he had been asked by Nehru to take over as Congress president and help renew the party’s organizational fabric. In fact, Nehru’s own position had been enfeebled by the ignominious defeat against China the previous year, and he had been looking to strengthen his flanks. Kamaraj had shrewdly suggested that the road to organizational revival lay in getting all Congress chief ministers to resign and work for the party. The “Kamaraj Plan” had duly been implemented, so scotching any potential challenge to prime ministerial authority. After Nehru’s death, he had tactfully taken soundings from scores of Congress leaders and had paved the way for Shastri’s uncontested ascension.
After Shastri’s passing, Kamaraj was pressed by his admirers to assume leadership of the government. Yet the canny Tamil politician was aware of his limitations in a political system dominated by an Anglophone elite and the Hindi belt of north India. Kamaraj also conveyed his disinterest to President Radhakrishnan and suggested that he was favorably inclined towards Indira Gandhi. Radhakrishnan now advised her to press ahead. But she was hardly the sole claimant for the job. Home Minister Nanda and Defence Minister Y.B. Chavan were also in contention. The former was the senior-most minister, who sported the curious ideological credentials of being the patron of both the socialist forum and the sadhu samaj (Hindu monks association); the latter had been chief minister of Maharashtra before being inducted into the union cabinet after the debacle against China. Above all, there was Morarji Desai.
The erstwhile chief minister of the old Bombay state and longserving finance minister of India, Desai was an able and experienced administrator who exuded an aura of high-minded rectitude. To many of his colleagues in government and party, this came across as puritanic inflexibility. His unwillingness ever to concede a point, as well as his refusal to dismount such hobby horses as prohibition of alcohol or regulation of gold, made many congressmen wary of him. Desai had fancied his chances after Nehru’s death but had been thwarted by Kamaraj and other party bosses. Collectively known as the “syndicate,” this group of regional grandees included Atulya Ghosh from West Bengal, Sanjiva Reddy from Andhra Pradesh, Nijalingappa from Karnataka, and S.K. Patil from Maharashtra.
Desai had stayed out of Shastri’s cabinet but now pressed his claims with adamantine force. In so doing, he inadvertently strengthened Indira Gandhi’s position. Stopping the implacable Desai became a high priority for the syndicate. By contrast, they regarded Indira Gandhi as politically unsure and ideologically indistinct: even the left wing of the Congress party, including those close to her father like V.K. Krishna Menon, had not supported her candidacy. Paradoxically, it was Indira Gandhi’s political weakness that commended her to the party bosses—a choice they would have adequate leisure to rue after she had pensioned them to political oblivion. But the syndicate also reckoned that her ability to borrow her father’s sheen would be a major asset in the coming general elections. Her case was further strengthened when in a deft move she enlisted the support of D.P. Mishra, the wily chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, and, through his machinations, the endorsement of eight other Congress chief ministers. Nanda and Chavan thought better of it and bowed out. But Desai was determined to have it out. On 19 January 1966, the Congress parliamentary party voted by secret ballot to choose the prime minister: the first and, it turned out, last time that the grand old party held such an election. Indira Gandhi took 355 votes to Desai’s 169. The same evening, President Radhakrishnan invited her to form a new government.
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